September 25, 2020

A glimmer of hope for Donald Trump? How Bush mounted a comeback in 1988



George H.W. Bush was in hassle. It was July 1988 and Michael Dukakis, the Democratic candidate for president, was on a roll after his occasion’s conference in Atlanta. A Gallup ballot confirmed Bush trailing by 17 factors.

However he had a highway map to victory.

One month earlier, Bush’s prime aides had gathered on the Jefferson Resort in Washington, intentionally out of sight and away from marketing campaign headquarters, to assessment a thick binder of polling and focus group information. The marketing campaign’s analysis confirmed that Dukakis’ document was not well-known and that a few of his liberal positions, specifically supporting jail furloughs and opposing the loss of life penalty, may swamp him in a basic election.

Utilizing the plan specified by that room, the Bush marketing campaign proceeded, as Lee Atwater, the marketing campaign supervisor, put it, “to strip the bark off the little bastard,” starting in pressure with Bush’s hammer of a speech on the Republican Nationwide Conference in August by way of Election Day.

Bush not solely overcame Dukakis’ summer time polling benefit, however defeated him handily: by a margin of 53% to 46%. He received 40 states.

In some ways, with Atwater as its darkish prince of technique, the Bush marketing campaign of 1988 marked the delivery of the modern-day destructive marketing campaign. Most memorably, Republicans plastered Dukakis, then the governor of Massachusetts, with the case of Willie Horton, an African American man who raped a white Maryland girl and stabbed her boyfriend whereas on a Massachusetts jail furlough program.

As President Donald Trump faces equally daunting ballot deficits in his contest with Joe Biden, he’s working one of many harshest campaigns since Bush defeated Dukakis, and Republicans are trying again on the 1988 race as a beacon of hope in a bleak political panorama. For the entire variations between the Democratic nominees in 1988 and right now, Dukakis’ collapse within the face of an onslaught by Bush has lengthy stood as a lesson in how shortly public opinion can change, how summer time polls can show ephemeral and the way an artfully executed occasion conference can assist flip round a struggling marketing campaign.

As Republicans collect within the coming week to appoint Trump for a second time period, the president and his political and media allies have torn into Biden and significantly his working mate, Sen. Kamala Harris, together with making racist and sexist assaults. There’s a direct line between the hard-edge marketing campaign Bush ran portraying Dukakis as a far-left liberal — and the racial undertones personified by seizing on Horton — and the Trump marketing campaign that’s rising right now.

Bush, then the vp, received in 1988 by transferring that summer time to aggressively outline Dukakis, who was held up in Massachusetts being governor, as an Ivy League elite who was out of contact with the nation. Bush invoked the hot-button points — specifically, taxes and crime — which have repeatedly proved efficient towards Democrats, the identical ones Trump has embraced towards Biden and Harris.

“I’m not probably the most enthusiastic Trump supporter on the earth, however I inform my pals who’re, it’s not hopeless,” mentioned Charlie Black, who labored as a senior adviser to Bush. “There’s loads of ammunition for Trump to work with. The query is, have they got a disciplined sufficient candidate to try this?”

But when the 1988 race gives a cautionary story for Biden, there are some important variations between that race and the present marketing campaign that’s now transferring into excessive gear as Democrats completed their conference final week and Republicans step on to the largely digital stage.

Biden is much better identified than Dukakis was and he has proven a resilience to caricature that Dukakis didn’t have. Trump is seen unfavorably by an enormous swath of voters, in no small half due to the coronavirus pandemic that has killed greater than 175,000 folks in america and devastated the financial system on his watch. His lack of credibility with many People has undercut his means to ship an assault.

The nation is extra pessimistic than it was when Dukakis confronted Bush, who as Ronald Reagan’s vp was successfully working as an incumbent. A New York Occasions/Siena School ballot in June discovered 58% of respondents mentioned the nation was headed on the flawed monitor. Within the fall of 1988, a considerably decrease 46% of registered voters mentioned the nation was going within the flawed course, in response to a Washington Put up/ABC Information Ballot.

“That is going to be difficult for them: Biden is a fairly well-known amount,” mentioned Susan Estrich, who was Dukakis’ marketing campaign supervisor. “The way in which you often burst balloons is paint the opposite man as a threat.”

Dukakis, proud and disdainful of politics, refused to consider these form of assaults would damage them, and didn’t heed the recommendation of his workers that he combat again. He allowed Bush to outline him earlier than Labor Day.

“I made this dumb mistake to not reply,” Dukakis mentioned in a current interview. “And I paid for it. This loss of life penalty factor: I’m from Boston. He’s from Houston. Massachusetts had the bottom murder price in America. Most individuals even in Massachusetts didn’t know that.”

In what would possibly show to be crucial distinction between 1988 and right now, Biden has been much more aggressive in repelling Trump’s assaults.

“They’ve run a very good marketing campaign,” mentioned John Sasso, who was Dukakis’ senior strategist. “They know what to let go by. They appear to know what will not be credible on this barrage of accusations and distortions and so they don’t chunk on it.”

But one of many classes of the Bush marketing campaign was that many citizens don’t start to pay shut consideration to a race till late in the summertime. Biden has picked a working mate, Harris, with a extra liberal document and fewer expertise in nationwide politics, which can give Trump extra of the goal. And Biden’s lead over Trump will not be as giant because the Dukakis midsummer benefit; the president is actually inside placing distance of victory, significantly in some battleground states.

“The similarity is that Biden is committing to an terrible lot of progressive, socialist, whatever-you-want-to-call-it concepts as a way to unify his occasion,” Black mentioned. Trump, he mentioned, may use Biden’s alliance with Sen. Bernie Sanders to painting his Democratic rival as an out-of-touch liberal — a lot the best way Bush portrayed Dukakis as an out-of-touch liberal — though Biden and Sanders disagree on many points.

Nonetheless, Black mentioned, Republicans ought to solely have a lot hope. “Most political execs would moderately be within the place of being forward at this level than that far behind,” he mentioned.

‘The turning level was the conference’

Bush was struggling when he arrived on the Republican conference in New Orleans in mid-August. He was attempting to buck historical past by main his occasion to a 3rd consecutive time period within the White Home.

“He was behind for a few causes,” mentioned Janet Mullins Grissom, who was Bush’s deputy nationwide political director. “He spent eight years as vp and the strong Reaganites have been at all times suspicious of Bush 41 for not being conservative sufficient. And he endured plenty of awful press protection that was a caricature of him.”

“The turning level was the conference,” Grissom mentioned. “That was our reintroduction of Bush and our first actual alternative to outline him with out filters. Folks noticed him by way of the conference, the conference speech. ‘No new taxes.’ ‘Kinder, gentler.’”

The glowing reintroduction of Bush set the desk for the assault. The marketing campaign’s plan to carry down Dukakis was unambiguously telegraphed in Bush’s acceptance speech, blended in with all of the speak about a “kinder, gentler nation.” Bush listed all these positions Dukakis had taken that his aides had reviewed on the lodge room in Washington.

“Ought to public schoolteachers be required to steer our youngsters within the Pledge of Allegiance?” Bush mentioned, in only one instance, as he knowledgeable his viewers that the governor had vetoed a invoice that contained precisely that requirement. “My opponent says no — however I say sure.”

On the marketing campaign stump and tv, in mailings and radio commercials, Bush used Dukakis’ document to make him a menace to middle-class voters. Bush used the governor’s personal phrases towards him, equivalent to being “a card-carrying member of the ACLU.”

His opponents even raised questions on Dukakis’ psychological health, a long time earlier than Biden confronted the identical. Conservative teams have been circulating rumors, with no substantiation, that Dukakis was hiding the truth that he had been handled for despair.

Because the summer time got here to an finish, Reagan was requested if Dukakis ought to launch his medical data. “Look, I’m not going to select on an invalid,” he mentioned.

Reagan later mentioned this was a failed joke, however by design or not, it succeeded in thrusting the rumor to the middle of public consideration. Dukakis known as a information convention to say he had by no means struggled with psychological sickness.

However in his most devastating assault, Bush seized on the case of Horton, which was Exhibit 1 within the case he made towards Dukakis and his liberal felony justice insurance policies. The furlough program turned a staple of Bush’s assaults on Dukakis, and in some ways, got here to outline the 1988 contest.

The Bush marketing campaign produced an commercial attacking the Massachusetts furlough program that confirmed a collection of prisoners strolling by way of a revolving door, however didn’t point out Horton’s title. However an commercial produced by an unbiased political motion committee included an ominous black-and-white image of Horton. “Dukakis not solely opposes the loss of life penalty,” the announcer mentioned. “He allowed first-degree murderers to have weekend passes.”

Atwater denied any connection between the Bush marketing campaign and the marketing campaign that featured the {photograph} of Willie Horton. Dukakis by no means believed that. And regardless of the case, Atwater had at all times made clear that Willie Horton was key to a Bush victory.

“If I could make Willie Horton a family title, we’ll win the election,” he mentioned.

For the Trump marketing campaign, the teachings of 1988 appeared to have been absorbed even earlier than Democrats completed their conference. On Thursday, in remarks in Pennsylvania hours earlier than Biden’s conference acceptance speech, Trump launched a brand new assault on Harris that had direct echoes of Willie Horton.

“As district lawyer of San Francisco, Kamala put a drug-dealing unlawful alien right into a jobs program as a substitute of into jail,” Trump mentioned. “4 months later, the unlawful alien robbed a 29-year-old girl, mowed her down with an SUV, fracturing her cranium and ruining her life.”

Via the summer time, the Dukakis marketing campaign was lulled by the polls that confirmed him heading for victory. And Bush operatives had discovered from to consultants in Massachusetts who had run campaigns towards Dukakis that he would keep silent if attacked.

Estrich mentioned Dukakis rejected her concept that he lead the Democratic conference within the Pledge of Allegiance, a transfer she advised him may blunt the assaults.

“Dukakis allowed the Bush operation to outline him throughout that interval in a distorted means,” Sasso mentioned.

Bush was a genial product of Connecticut, and he advised his advisers he thought of destructive campaigning distasteful. However once they warned him it was the one means he would win, he took their course with a lot gusto that he all however apologized for the tenor of his marketing campaign after he received.

It took weeks for Dukakis to achieve that time. On the finish of October, Dukakis embraced what had been Bush’s central line of assault. “I’m a liberal within the custom of Franklin Roosevelt and Harry Truman and John Kennedy,” he mentioned.

It was too late.

Whereas Trump could face a steeper hill, there are a selection of avenues that Republicans see as a approach to reprise the Bush comeback. He’s portraying Biden as a captive of the left. He’s demonizing Harris. He has seized on episodes of civil unrest in locations like Chicago.

However because the Democratic conference ends and the Republican one is about to start, time is rising brief.

“The issue for Trump is he has but to search out his Willie Horton, because it have been,” Estrich mentioned. “However he’s trying.”